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Neu Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbe[?]
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Neu Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbe.
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Nation[?]: Ikradonian Union (Ikradon)
Seats[?] in Federale Kamer (Federal Chamber)[?]: 0
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| The German reich is the homeland of the Germans In the context of our present pathetic position, every word of our national demand cuts like a whiplash. The "German reich:" where is there a German reich today? Does present day Germany, a wretched colony, have any right to call itself by the glorious name of independent country? No! A country such as Germany is today, can not be said to be in possession of sovereign rights, even by the most extravagant political scientist. The five most important sovereign rights of nations are: territorial sovereignty; military sovereignty; financial sovereignty; administrative sovereignty; and, fifthly, judicial sovereignty. Just naming these sovereign rights and comparing them with the present position of Germany, suffices to demonstrate the untenability of the proposition that a sovereign German reich exists today. Our territorial sovereignty is a farce... Whenever it pleases france she occupies it without asking questions or encountering opposition. Likewise the czechs, poles, danes can invade Germany any time they desire, without hindrance. The much maligned old regime judged border transgressions very differently. In former times, military penetration into German territory meant war. In order to maintain territorial sovereignty, the state requires armed forces which are capable of repulsing attacks on its territory, the lives and health of its citizens.) No sovereign state can allow a foreign power to supervise its personnel, weaponry, equipment, bases and so forth. If it does that,it obviously is no longer sovereign. It is no longer in possession of its instruments of power. It has conceded its military sovereignty. This is what Germany has done by subordinating itself to the disarmament and inspection commissions of its enemies. Such was the extent of Germany's subjugation under the terms of the armistice. We lost our international sovereignty. A certain domestic sovereignty might still have been maintained, but immediately after the destruction of our military sovereignty came the turn of the international plutocracy which, once given a free hand domestically, completely wrecked German production. To start with, the filthy flood of revolution engulfed Germany, then came the mob of swindlers and usurers, children of chaos, social democratic traitors, and deserters. Jailbirds occupied the highest governmental positions, which they shared with democrats and centrists. Behind and above them all came the jew, the plutocrat with his dealmaking. Soon, even freemasons from the so-called national parties came along, in particular brother stresemann. The last blow was delivered against our economic sovereignty.Sophisticated transactions and the dawes regulations then robbed Germany of financial sovereignty, which was bestowed on a handful of superrich jews, foreign and domestic. For good measure, the reichstag forfeited our railroads along with sovereignty over other transportation. Then it gave away vital administrative sovereignty in the areas of taxes and duties, mortgaging and placing them under the control of reparations commissars. Little is left to be said about sovereignty of our court system. Our occupied areas are under the administration of foreign military courts. The rest of Germany continues under emergency decrees such as the "law for the protection of the republic." Uncertainty about the law, organized robbery of our people by the so-called "evaluation regulations," force our courts to declare the unjust to be legal. Germany has become a colony of slaves. Germans are repressed. They are thrown into prison and forbidden to speak out, for no other reason than they are true Germans who resist slavery. Yes indeed, we want to have a free German reich again! And the coming free reich must be the homeland of the Germans! This coming Germany must be our homeland and not just the machinery of police edict. Not just "the state," not just established authority, not just government and sinecures for twenty-five ruling families, but our homeland. O homeland, sweet magical word calling from subterranean springs of delight. Love of our homeland, familiar and beautiful, sunny and lovely. The fragrance of the homeland dell rises about us. Feelings of bliss permeate the wanderer who once again feels underfoot the beloved ground of his homeland, to which he is related through primeval ties of blood. Homeland, our mother who provides for all her children. Every German should feel safe and secure in his reich, his fatherland, his German heimat. A sense of security is the essence of the emotion heimat. From this arises the tenderblossom, the love of homeland. There is no greater glory for a nation and its people. It is more than mere social policy or unemployment insurance. It is more than a housing program, although a home of ones own is a great motivator for cultivating love of heimat. Heimat is more than the imperial state which one serves, sometimes willingly and sometimes under duress. Heimat is more than just the government of reich, state or city. It is more than a food trough, more than a guarantor of the individual, his property and professional interests. All these institutions contribute to the concept of heimat. Just as in a proper family, the concept of "at home" exerts a special magic on the children that isvery different from the attitude toward a hotel room or prison cell, so are tender yet powerful emotions associated with the concept of "heimat." the attitude toward "heimat" ranks high above the shabby concept of utilitarian organization which is the liberal-democratic, parlamentarian concept of society represented by the word "state." We repeat our basic principle: Germany should be the home of the Germans! Not the homeland of jews, russians (communists), social democrats who acknowledge no German homeland (crispien). And not the homeland of countless other aliens who tread our soil for longer or shorter intervals. We disagree strongly and in principle with the weimer constitution, which acknowledges merely "German citizenship." it does not comprehend the concept "German" in the ethnic or, more significantly, in the racial sense of the word. Thus are enumerated the theses of our political program, which we will now discuss under the three headings: (a) international affairs, (b) ethnicity, and (c) citizenship . iv.a. International heading iv.a.1. Everyone who is of German blood, whether they are living today under danish, polish, czech, italian or french authority, should be united in a single German reich. We are demanding no more and no less than what was demanded for our enemies: the right of self determination for all Germans, the right of affiliation with their German heimat. We abandon no German, whether in the sudetenland, elsass-lorraine, poland, or the successor states to old austria. However, our demand is free of all imperialistic tendency. It is the simple natural demand which every vital ethnic group takes for granted. iv.a.1.b. Effective representation of German interests in foreign countries is the necessary corollary to point 1. Often it is the most competent and viking-like Germans who go out into the world as engineers, explorers, intellectuals, merchants and physicians, they belong to the great family of the German folk, to which they must not be lost. They have a right to the protection of the homeland. Even in foreign countries, these Germans should be not only cultural emissaries but conscious pioneers of the German spirit on our planet. They should be not only "apostles of all mankind" but bearers of nordic thought. They should not simply adapt themselves to foreign ways; they should cultivate the higher German qualities. This should be the mission of Germans in foreign countries. It should also be the mission of our official emissaries. Here again, we must sweep out the musty old foreign office with a steel broom. Stresemann's and erzberger's flirtations with foreign countries must come to an end. Then we will again see that foreign countries respect German interests. Then German needs will be met with consideration and deference rather than kicks and slaps. iv.a.2. Ethnic policy iv.a.2.a. The removal of jews and all non-Germans from responsible positions in public life. For national socialists, this demand is self evident and needs no explanation. For someone who has no inkling of racial philosophy, it is impossible to provide an introduction here. He who sees in the jew nothing more than a "German citizen of the jewish faith," and not an exotic and distinct nation with pronounced parasitic tendencies can not grasp the urgency of this demand. Whoever confuses a cabbage plant which accidentally fell into a strawberry patch, with a strawberry plant, or who believes he can harvest strawberries if hetreats the cabbage with respect, is mistaken, as is the person who thinks that if he raises a lion among a flock of sheep, the lion will behave like a sheep. A better illustration: a German would not make a good judge in india or china, and a hottentot would not make a good mayor of a German city. And yet it would not be so bad if an enver pascha or chiang kaischek would bring order to Germany, as it would be if a jew imposed his racial traits upon us. It is certain that with the revolution, all ties of governmental order were dissolved. Both domestic jewish bankers and the newly arrived eastern jews enriched themselves massively on the misery of Germany. We all experienced it and saw it with out own eyes. We all suffered the consequences, which began with the destruction of nordic social order. "But this cunning people sees only one possibility: as long as there is order, there is nothing for them to hope for" (goethe at the fair in plundersweilen.) Therefore, our demand number four is: iv.a.2.b. Stop the immigration of eastern jews and other parasitic foreigners. Burdensome foreigners and jews can be deported. During the soaring inflation these galizian and polish jews descended like locusts on the cities of Germany. Despite a severe housing shortage they soon had the best apartments, while the Germans lived in holes.Then they began their dirty dealings. They bought up everything: pearls, persian carpets, diamonds, gold, silver, platinum, war bonds, scrap paper, thousand mark bills, copper, lead, literatury works, theatres, even scrap. Soon they were visibly rich, treated like citizens by ordinary Germans. Under pressure from the national sozialists, the general political commissar in bavaria, von kahr, finally undertook to deport these eastern jews. (It was von kahr who broke his word of honor "for reasons of state" and then the "established, respectable" jews of the central jewish congress, longtime residents of Germany, intervened on behalf of the galician mob. They came to the defense of their fellow jews, -- and von kahr made a cowardly retreat.Only clear headed, resolute heads of state, guided by ethnic awareness, are capable of acting properly in this situation. Concessions simply can not be made here. It is necessary to go beyond mere antisemitic measures. We must cultivate ethnic hygiene generally. We must cultivate the noble goal, the noblest of all, which is to indoctrinate our nation in nordic thought. Perhaps this question does not belong in the program of the nsdap, but we must be aware that in the long run, little can be done with a bastardized German nation. Today we can see that the racial flood has been overcome, at least theoretically, thanks to the great interest which the subject of ethnicity finds throughout society and to the availability of thoroughly researched literature on the subject. Only relentless work will advance our cause however. iv.a.3. Citizenship Regarding citizenship we demand: iv.a.3.a. Only Germans who share our German culture and destiny, can exercise the rights of citizenship. Here it is necessary to make some exceptions. Some people, even though German born, deliberately turn against the German nation state. They take their political orders from foreign countries and they do not share in our German destiny. They should not exercise the rights of citizens, any more than the jews, and we shall have to exclude many of them from the privileges of citizenship. Unscrupulous swindlers, office holding deserters and traitors who still enjoy immunity, will no longer be allowed to exercise the rights of citizenship in our national socialist state. iv.a.3.b.those persons who are not true Germans should be allowed to reside in the German state only as guests. They should be governed by the laws for resident aliens.This is an important principle. It should put an end to the never-ending courting of foreigners by the present government.That is not to say that we should not welcome foreigners and treat them courteously as guests, as long as they behave. And yet: iv.a.3.c. The rights and interests of the Germans should take precedence over those of foreigners. There is no need to demand further details in our program.Details of laws governing alien residents is a question for a later date, as are details of the exclusion of jews from public life.One can not demand that a formulation of basic principles would also provide tactical details for the conquest of political power or other specific tasks. I am.opposed to dedicating excessive resources to programs. In our titanic struggle, our principal task is the simple and irrevocable definition of our goals. It is not developing elaborate electoral strategies like the bourgeois and socialist parties. iv.b. Economic policy Our guiding principle is that the goal of our national economic policy should be to cover the needs of the people, not to provide the highest possible return on investment capital. To the common sense thinking of the average person it might seem redundant to emphasize something so self-evident and fundamental. For the productive person, farmer, skilled or unskilled worker, or owner of a shop or factory, it lies in his blood so to speak, that everything which he produces will be used or consumed. Either he will use it himself or else it will become an item of exchange, for use by others.An economy unrelated to production and consumption seems silly to him - senseless and unreal. Here we national socialists confront one of the greatest intellectual problems in our campaign to gain converts. We have to explain to our countryman: "you are correct in your commonsense assumptions regarding the purpose of work and the national economy, but unfortunately, today's so-called economy does not conform to natural conditions." "On closer examination you will discover terrifying circumstances which refute the goals of a normal economy." After all, what do usurers and swindlers actually do? Do these people, so common in todays society, even consider filling any kind of need? No! Are they productively employed, do they create anything? No! They rob and steal and deceive in the usual sense of these words, and they enrich themselves thereby. What do banks do? They facilitate money exchange and they extend credit. Yes; but the postal service does this faster and more cheaply; and to whom do the banks extend credit? Do they extend credit to the needy, or to the masses of working people who have no home, so that they can build houses and thus relieve the critical housing shortage? No! Do they extend credit to farmers, shopkeepers and business people, the producers and distributors of vital goods and services? Hardly ever, only when the borrowers offer "security" above and beyond the appropriate obligation to repay the debt, and agree to repay high additional expenses over a prolonged period, which they call "installments." Do the banks care whether their customers -- shopkeepers and businesspeople -- are promptly and reliably served, so that our national economic needs are met? - No! They serve only their own selfish profit interest in their percentages, points, related expenses and all the other names they have for extracting money. And what do the banks produce? -- Nothing at all! And what do they earn? - Immeasurable sums! And so usurers and swindlers, banks and finance capitalists produce nothing which is useful, yet they extract huge profits from the present capitalistic system. They are the real masters and exploiters of todays predatory and antisocial economic order. Today, a high return on finance capital is the principal goal of the national economy. Working people have to turn over a large portion of their wages to financiers in the banks and stock exchanges as well as loan sharks and swindlers of every sort. And what is the function of the phony contractor, or "bloodsucker" as ordinary working people call him? He attempts to extract the highest possible profits by paying the lowest possible wages and by using the lowest quality materials, by mass production and by charging the highest possible prices. The contractor is not concerned about the misery of his workers. It is no matter to him if his products must soon be discarded as worthless junk. So much the better, because it means new orders for him, the people are so stupid that they keep on buying junk if it is alluringly advertised. The malignant influence of the department stores. Profit is all that matters to the department store owner. Providing for the needs of the people is nothing more than a ruse, a means to an end. But even so - at least he produces something, provides employment. The real contractor, who is aware of his importance as economic leader, must be judged very differently.A real contractor must be an ethical person, in the economic sense. His task is, first of all, to recognize the real economic needs of society. Often he accomplishes this pioneering task as inventor. Then he must determine the best and least expensive methods of production. He must produce a flawless product and allow for a continuing supply. He must pay his workers well so that they will be able to consume what the nation produces. He must always be aware of innovation and improvement in shop and factory.If he makes this his guiding principle, he is, in the best sense "serving the needs of the people." his gain comes from the goal of serving actual needs, rather than simply maximizing profit.The leading and best known example of this kind of industrial producer is henry ford. No less distinguished in this respect are the leading producers in German heavy industry. Such as krupp, kirdorf, thyssen, abbe, mannesmann and siemens, to name a few at random. . However, the nature of such firms changes immediately when they are no longer under the direction of an ethical individual. Ethical management had previously cultivated ethical relationship with its workers, for the sake of the proven mutual advantage which accrued to both the firm and its employees. Once these firms are depersonalized, "made anonymous," and changed into stockholder corporations with limited liability, such ethical management ceases to exist.As long as the founder of such a concern in the capacity of principal stockholder can oversee the operational procedure it can still continue. But most often, the shock of pure profit-greed takes over immediately. Where improvements in production and working conditions are concerned, the former owners and directors are now dependent upon an overview board which has no interest in production or workers welfare, (other than those of slave drivers.) their purpose is to insure maximum return on invested capital. These conditions became devastating with the introduction of the industrial proprietary act, which allows that any swindler or speculator can become a major stockholder, or owner of an industrial enterprise without knowing the least thing about it. What do these stock certificates represent to professional financiers and speculators, other than play money for the stock exchange?These stockholders certainly had no interest in production facilities and workplace. They did not even need to know what was produced, turnover, working conditions, pay or salary of the factories whose proper owners they are, thanks to bundles of stock certificates which they shuffled about in the stock exchange, relating to this or that factory. One must consider all the implications of the matter in order to grasp the rottenness of the system of finance capital.Today, profitability has become the goal of our entire economy. The department stores - tietz, wertheim, and so on, all jews, take a somewhat different approach as i have already shown. Teasing, pretense, bluff, the creation of superfluous "necessities," that is, luxuries, are their stock in trade. Giant stores, palaces of monstrous dimensions, built with every decoration imaginable, invite you to buy useless objects. Seemingly low prices and easy payment plans seduce the consumer into purchasing every imaginable luxury.Refreshment rooms facilitate long visits to the department store.Thus these department stores are outhouses for wastful shopping. No once should think he is getting anything for free. The really affluent do not shop in department stores. They know what poor people do not know: that whoever buys "on the cheap" pays more. Do the customers of these department stores realize that these palaces are built from their hard-earned savings? Does the customer realize that he himself is paying for the escclators, elevators, and magical lighting? If you consider that the huge department store is the ruin of the middle class shopkeeper, that it brutally exploits home workers as well as in house employees, that it produces and distributes mostly cheap junk. Whereas quality items are more expensive than in proper specialty shops, then you wiill see that our resolute struggle against these stores is justified. In these huge establishments, we also see a variant of finance capital. It serves no real purpose, yet generates huge profits for its stockholders.In the context of a genuine economy producing needed goods and services, which, we emphasize, has nothing to do with the communistic planned economy, the question of private property naturally takes precedence. iv.b.1. National socialism acknowledges and protects private property, provided it is honorably and lawfully acquired. . A fundamental discussion can not be presented here, but whoever understands the concept of work can have no doubt that the products of labor must accrue to the laborer. The worker can not conceive that the results of his labor, or equivalent value, should belong to an incomprehensible generality. Neither can he understand that the fruits of his labor should go to one individual capitalist. From this necessarily evolves, within the genuine concept of work, the concept of private property. After all, we are dealing here with ultimate concepts, as with the concept of heimat. Heimat becomes real when one stands on his own land, when one's family is surrounded by its own property. Ones own strawberries, potatoes, vegetables, fruit from ones own garden, simply taste better than commercially prepared meals served in large establishments. . He who does not know this longing for his own property, he who can not enjoy the pleasure of personal ownership, is either a rootless person of the inner city or a rootless capitalist who considers the property of working people as fair game -- someone who understands the financial art of expropriating other peoples property. When property is acquired by capitalistic theft, there arises an insatiable greed for more peoperty, preferably convertible property. Such behavior contrasts with that of nordic man, who is characteristically modest. Nordic man wants only what he can utilize. That person is not a real worker, who wants to build an ostentatious villa which he himself cannot utilize. Nordic man wants a simple cozy home of his own, but he wants to own it outright. He does not want to rent it, paying three or four times the value of the house in the course of his lifetime. By contrast: the greedy jew, the capitalist, does not want permanent ties to one place. His highest ideal is a large safe stuffed with stock certificates, bonds, mortgages, and debentures. His goal is wealth -- not wealth in real property, but wealth in mortgaged property of others. He does not labor; and yet he does not rest until he has possession of a certain amount of debenture paper. This allows him to wield the whip of interest over his "debtors" even though they are not really indebted to him. Our program will place limits on this situation. iv.b.2. Public welfare demands an end to the unlimited accumulation of financial wealth in the hands of individuals. Wealth and possessions are not bad in themselves. On the contrary, a well administered enterprise benefits everyone involved. Once again it is finance capitalism which converts the blessing of wealth into the opposite, into the curse of exploitation. The masses of workers and indebted middle class are being ever more sharply divided from the capitalists. Countless numbers of the lower middle class have been dispossessed as the finance capitalists grow ever more ruthless and powerful. These capitalists have no heimat. From their modern robber castles, the banks, they rob the population with impunity. In order to deal with such capitalists, in the national socialist state: iv.b.3. All Germans will form a community of work which will promote the general welfare and culture. This community is the political and economic essence of our comprehensive social structure.All endeavor must serve, within an enlightened framework, for the wealth of the entire community.This will not conflict with personal effort, industry and proficiency. However, individual progress and advancement must not occur at the expense of the rest of the community. For this reason our next point emphasizes: iv.b.4. In the context of a general obligation to work, and acknowledging the validity of private property, every German should have control over the fruits of his own labor. With this stipulation we specificially reject planned economic, marxist and high finance sozialization. Our nation should be composed of as many independent enterprises as possible, united in the social principle of service. To be sure, it is impossible to conduct mines and foundries, heavy industries and shipyards as small enterprises. Nevertheless, 100 000 independent master shoemakers are better for the economy and for political governance of the state than five giant shoe factories would be. The huge and remote agricultural stations in northern and eastern Germany produce more efficiently as largescale operations than as individual farmsteads..Farmsteads should be situated in large circles surrounding the cities. Our next point demands: iv.b.5. .A healthy mix of small, medium sized and large scale operations in all areas of the eonomy including agriculture, should be maintained. iv.b.6. Giant operations (factories, syndicates and trusts) must be nationalized. This demand, again, is derived logically from our generalized struggle against the capitalistic idea.Syndicates and trusts serve the primary purpose of combining related enterprises for the purpose of dictating prices. The primary consideration is not to produce better and less expensive goods, but rather to dictate to consumers the quality, amounts and price of goods.Speculators are particularly fond of rings which are already individually profitable.New undertakings within the industry are often sold off or shut down, at great expense.In this way the capitalist regulates the supply contingencies" and is soon in a position to control prices. Ostensibly this occurs through the basic law of supply and demand. Innovations and new inventions are looked upon with disfavor, usually repressed if the represent a threat to the profitability of the old enterprises.Such enterprises, now operated as giant trusts by a bureaucracy, are thus characterized as "ready for socialization." that is to say, the owners have given up all attempts to serve the public. The entireprizes are developmentally frozen and they serve no further interest except the capitalist greed for proft. iv.b.7. Usury, racketeering, and reckless self enrichment at the expense of the people, should be punised with death. Our present legal system specifically protects individual property.Petty theft is punished harshly but major swindlers can not be prosecuted, since they use capitalistic methods to rob the entire nation. Here we are thinking primarily of those who caused and profited by the inflation.In all history it was never heard of that an entire industrious nation was robbed on the gigantic scale that German savings were stolen by means of currency manipulation.Bank usury following the stabilisation was worse than highway robbery. More Germans were victimized by the war societies than by organized robber bands. We will discuss this in more detail later on when we have found the correct legalistic formulations for this. However, it is clear to everyone that organized betrayal of the entire nation should be prosecuted more vigorously than individual larceny. iv.b.8. Introduction of a year of public service for every German. This duty to perform public work should be the visible incarnation of the noble concept of service for the common good. This duty would have an educational effect. In exemplary enterprises, it would introduce to every German our economy in action. Through serious execution of duty, it would demonstrate the benefits of work on behalf of the nation,A specific booklet of this series will deal with this topic in greater detail. iv. C. Financial policy The abolition of interest slavery The basic points of this extremely important subject have been treated in detail in chapter two. Here we merely enumerate the measures appropriate to bring this about in practice. iv.c.1. Emancipation of the state and its people from interest slavery to the plutocracy. The state should not incur debt, because it is unnecessary.The state is not to be compared with an individual in need of credit, who sometimes goes into debt, even though it is a mistake. The state however, is the master of coinage. It can do what the individual can not: the state can create money. During the inflation, it did this to an insane extent. The state did it also with the rentenmark also (although with forfeiture of its sovereignty to the so-called reichs bank, with the so-called reichsmark.The state could utilize its sovereign right to much better effect, without risking inflation.However this can take place only after the following: iv.c.2 the nationalization of the reichsbank and the various reserve banks. iv.c.3. The procurement of funds for all large scale public needs such as development of hydraulic power, highways, etc. This must be done while avoiding debt, by issuing interest free government letters of credit; that is to say, by non cash transactions. In other words, the hasty printing of paper money without creation of new value means: inflation. We have all experienced it.However this brings up the correct observation that a release of reserve notes will not cause inflation, provided that new value is created. It is nonsense to say that the creation of large, socially significant projects necessarily entails borrowing.This would be the appropriate area for responsible exercise of the power of the state to create money.It should be clear to everyone that the construction of large hydraulic power plants plants could be realized in the following manner: . The government submits to the proper legislative authority a proposal for the exploitation of bavarian, saxon, etc. Water power. All economic aspects are considered in great detail.The legislation approves construction. And notifies the finance minister. It then authorizes the appropriate reichs or state banks to issue a new series of bank notes with the specific condition that these notes are intended to fully cover construction as it progresses, step by step. In addition, the notes are backed collectively by the full credit of the state and reich. This way, no one can object about inflationary pressures.With this supplementary money created on basis of credit approval by the representatives of the nation, the power plant is constructed. The notes, like the others, are legal tender. When the project is completed, nitrogen or electricity is delivered in the place of of this money. In a few years, the notes which were issued for the project can be retired.The result is that the nation will have created a new power plant, a powerful new source of revenue. The nation is so much the richer. Nothing better illustrates the absurdity of the existing finance-capitalistic system than comparison with the present procedure. Today, following credit approval by the reich or state legislature, no real credit is approved. The only thing approved is that new debt is to be incurred with financial capitalists. Then, financing is accepted. What the entire nation can not accomplish with its representatives and referendums, can suddenly be accomplished by a handful of capitalists, who graciousy grant financing.Financing, naturally, in return for interest payments.Instead of the states exercising its supremacy directly in the interest of the people, it promises eternal interest payments which are greatly in excess of construction costs. At all costs, the loan amount must be used to amortize itself. Thus the state ties a millstone around its own neck. Best of all, the state now prints new paper, that is, issues new obligations, creating supplementary purchasing power. As far as accounting is concerned, it makes no difference whether the newly constructed power plants result from new paper money, or new "obligations."But much to the disadvantage of the public, these obligations represent a lien on the new plant for the benefit of the capitalists. And the capitalists, naturally, reserve all rights for themselves, dictate the entire process and expropriate all advantages. Under the present system, it is finance capital which is enriched by construction of the new power plant. Capitalists are not interested in repayment of the loan, they want to convert such projects into eternal milk cows for themselves. And the public is required to pay more for electricity and nitrogen. Finance capital has once again placed liens on the property of the nation. I must end with this short example. My polemical writing expecially "the German state" deals with these questions in great detail, they cannot be repeated here. In conclusion, several booklets in this series will deal with additional examples of new financial methods of our coming state iv.c.4. This point demands the introduction of a stable currency. To be sure, we now have one, but exploitation remains as bad as ever. We national socialists had already taken measures to put an end to the inflation-swindle, as soon as we achieved power, and to introduce a new currency on a secured basis. iv.c.5. Creation of a construction and finance bank for the common good. This demand is discussed in detail in booklet nr. 8 Of the national socialist library, entitled: "the housing crisis and the bank for social constuction and finance: relief from homelessness, the economic crisis and unemployment." It is noteworthy that we made the most progress in other political areas with this financial demand,Already in 1921 i proposed this fundamental demand to the bavarian ministries, as part of a detailed legal draft.Even then i found widespread understanding, for as long as one used common sense.But as soon as "experts" (bankers) were consulted, the government dropped the "feder pipe dream." Following our successes in the thuringian elections in february 1924, our colleagues in the thuringian legislature energetically pursued the formation of a socialist construction and commerce bank for thurigen. They enjoyed the sympathetic support of the finance minister, von klüchtzner, as well as the support of the bourgeois parties. A majority of the legislature authorized the state government to charter such a bank.But then the reich government, under pressure from the reichsbank, forbade fulfillment of the popular will. Meantime i had submitted to the reichstag, a proposal for the legal framework of such a bank, to be organized in the individual states. Because of the short legislative session of the dawes year 1924, it was shelved by the ruling parties, until dissolution of the legislature in the fall. A legislative resolution of the so-called parties of the right was submitted in mecklenburg as well. This proposed the introduction of a socialist bank for construction and commerce.This resolution was frustrated by vacillations of the national finance minister once again, under instructions of the reichsbank, which forbade it. The basic idea of the construction bank is as simple and pragmatic as our plan for financing large scale public works, which is described above.A mixed economic entity, the construction and commerce bank, will be granted the right to issue funds for construction (construction-mark notes.) these notes will be backed by newly constructed houses. These new houses could be built without the burden of hugh mortage liens, which today makes it impossible to construct houses in sufficient numbers. This sublime economic goal could be brought much closer: "for every German, a home of his own: a free people on free soil!" c.6.a complete overhaul of the tax system according to social and national economic principles. Emancipation of the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation and emancipation of the producer from restrictive taxation (tax rationalization and tax abolition.) I am unable to provide further details here. They can be found in a national socialist booklet which will be released soon. iv.d. Social policy "Social policy" is the favorite buzz-word of our politicos. It has a sweet sound, it gains instant approval. And it herds the masses of voters into the stalls of this or that bliss-bringing party.When the various parties promise better pay for public officials, that is called "social policy."Likewise, when the various parties promise to consider the wishes of salaried and wage workers that is said to be social policy.When someone doctors about with the scandalous shortcomings in benefits for impoverished retirees and disabled war veterans, teaching interns or German minorities in foreign countries, that too is called social policy.The whole nation follows along behind these political pied pipers when they tootle on their social-policy flutes. First of all, it must be made clear that real social policy implies acknowledging the general welfare as the highest good. The present so-called "social policy" is actually "special interest" policy. The politics of special interest is being pursued without consideration for the general welfare,. Everything imaginable is being promised, and the promise-makers are fully aware that none of their promises can be kept. Today Germany is politically, economically and financially impotent. This is internationally obvious in the dawes pact and the young laws. The present governments so-called policy of fulfillment demands sacrifice on the part of our population which reduces it to the lowest level of human existence. In such a situation, it is deceitful and ludicrous for the present government to even speak of "social policy" . Today's so-called "social policy" is not really social at all. It is not a policy of pursuing the communal interests of the people. Rather, it is the politics of class hatred, of pitting the elements of society against one another. Within our inadequate geographical confines, Germans are standing on each others toes and ruthlessly shoving each other to the ground, while the politicians make promises to one group at the expense of the others.The politicians know perfectly well that even temporary improvements are immediately cancelled by inflation or increased taxation. Real social policy is characterized by an altogether different intention: the actual will to solve the social crisis.The social crisis concerns all those who are being plundered and denied their basic rights. It concerns the masses of workers who are denied fair wages and their rightful position in society.. It concerns those from whom respect and recognition are witheld. It implies class war. Who would deny that serious damage has been done, that bitter injustice has gnawed its way into our economic life? And yet, the conclusions which marxism makes with its theories of class war and "expropriating the expropriators," are as false as false can be. These conclusions violate all the meaningful conditions of real social policy. This is because real social policy takes the general welfare as its highest consideration. To adopt class struggle as a political creed means to preach hate as your basic principle."Expropriate the expropriators" means raising envy to the level of an economic principle . Marxist "socialization" actually means the destruction of human leadership and the personality factor. It means substituting mass and materialism for the human spirit and for human achievement.We need introduce no further proof of the complete collapse of marxist theory than the bankruptcy of the communist economic system in russia. We need only consider the wretched mission of the German revolution of 1918. . Here again i would like to direct the attention of the reader to the fact that marxistic pseudosocialism concerns everything except communalism and common sense. Marxism is not truly social, not organically oriented. Rather, it is mired in the deepest depths of political backwardness. It is stalled on the philosophical basis of the most crass individualism. It represents the chaotic construction of society with which we became familiar in our section on fundamental prionciples. Marxism consists of nothing except a plurality of individuals, connected as such through feelings of hate and envy. Under marxism, individuals are not connected in any organic or logical way to higher principles. Workers are not bound to the other half of society.It is no wonder the social problem can not be solved in this way, because the answer of marxism to the social question can be only hate and exploitation. Likewise, it is no wonder that a viable form of government can not come about under marxism. The only possible result of a marxist "stock market revolt" is a pile of rubble. Once again national socialism calls marxism by its rightful name: "stock market revolt." Marxism is an out-and-out capitalistic deception. It is capitalistic because the culmination of the social chaos of indiviualistic society, its deadly flower and rotten fruit, are inevitably high finance and monopolism.The ostensibly anticapitalistic policies (referring to the so-called social policy of the present government) pretend to be socipolitical in nature. Consider its relationship to marxism and the class politics of the occupational organizations. In reality these policies are necessarily capitalistic. However. In the present government there is no effort to achieve social assimilation, no striving for a systematic and beneficial inclusion of competing classes under a higher concept of national unity. Rather, we are dealing with brutal, egotistical striving of the individual to better his own position at the expense of the rest of society. Capitalism and marxism are one and the same!They are derived from the same philosophical basis. We national socialists are the principal opponents of both capitalism and marxism. We are separated by a whole world, by entirely different concepts of society. For us, the general welfare of society is the highest good. We reject class dialectic, class struggle and class conceit. Once again it is evident that our limited number of sociopolitical demands ignores many issues of the day. We do, however, address the really important problems and tasks of real social policy, which are of concern to all our countrymen. iv.d.1. A generous extension of old age assistance combined with nationalization of retirement systems. Every German national will be assured a secure pension beginning at a specified age, or adequate benefits in case of permanent disability.That is the solution to the social problem.It is not so much specific dissatisfaction with wages and salaries which cause the present social tension. Rather, it is insecurity and worry about one's old age. It is the fear of being thrown into the street in ones final years. This anxiety drives the different occupational groupings into pseudosocialistic, marxist and capitalistic organizations. It incites conflict between workers and employers.This releases the worse instincts of both the workers and employers. The result is hate, distrust and provocation on all sides.The real and valid goal of the employee gets lost in the struggle for temporary wage increases. The goal of true social policy, an adequate and general provision for one's old age, is never achieved: We note that the state has dealt with the problem of benefits for retired officials.It is an excellent combination of capitalistic pension plan and authentic welfare plan based on individual effort and accomplishment. The principal goal of the national socialist welfare plan is to make this into the pattern for the general welfare of all industrious Germans, iv.d.2. / D.3. Universal profit sharing The nsdap has adopted the demand for profit sharing. This is a purely socialist demand in the best sense of the word. However, it tempts us with the offer of an enticing and dangerous gift from the capitalists.Participation in profits which result from the work of others is in fact unearned income, which we national socialists strongly oppose.The demand to share in the profits from ones own work is such a self evident demand for social justice that one can not raise principled objection to it. The difficulties appear in the execution, that is, in the apportioning of profit. It is true that profit owes its existence to the actual labors of theworker, his industry and skill. However, profit owes its existence also to the inventer, the consultant, the merchant and the operations manager as well as to overall economic conditions.W ithout doubt, the demand for profit sharing is very important for increasing wealth.Even in the framework of the present profit economy, a portion of the loot which goes to pure finance capital, could be salvaged for the worker.This is not the place to discuss the way in which profit sharing will be conducted in the coming national socialist state. I personally would prefer a general price reduction combined with stabilized wages and salaries, and maintenance of present corporate profit as the better way to achieve the demand of profit sharing, within our overall national production.It might well be that the national socialist state will be more successful in solving the question of profit sharing than todays capitalist and marxist minds can conceive.The demand for profit originates either in greed, in which case it is capitalistic, or else in envy, in which case it is marxistic. Only in the ideal sense, as conceived by national socialism, is profit sharing justified. For this reason, the capitalist notion of petty shares must be avoided. Its only purpose is to insure the legitimacy of the stock exchange tycoons. Likewise, the marxist principle of envy ("everyone the same") brings nothing to anyone. It destroys the element of personality and thus damages the general welfare. A few examples will make this clear: The shoe factory employees who are entitled to profit sharing do not benefit from a few shares of stock or a few pairs of shoes at wholesale, if they must then pay more for shirts, suits, beer, sausage and bread because there again the tailors, butchers, bakers and brewers have raised their prices to compensate for the expense of profit sharing with their employees. Price reduction is the solution which will allow every citizen to benefit within our overall national production. It offends the sense of justice of every proper national socialist that street sweepers, masons, day workers, the army of railroad workers, mail carriers, transport workers, health workers farmworkers, ditch diggers, manual laborers, construction workers, are denied profit sharing. This is for the simple reason that they produce no gain, no added value. And in agriculture (whereby we must not always think of largescale operations, but of the millions of small and mediumsized farms), bumper harvests or "profitability" occur very rarely. The same is true of heavy industry and mining, in which, under pressure of world competition, the workers realize the least gain of all. In contrast to these millions of workers in basic areas of employment, for whom it will never be a possibility, profit sharing would give preferential treatment to a relatively few workers who happen to work as travelling salesmen, doormen in casinos and luxury spas, specialty shops, or who happen to work in an optical, chemical or other such concern with a world monopoly position. If some workers are entitled to luxury profits and dividends, should others, the majority who work in the most cirtical areas, not have access to profit sharing?A showering of options, dividends and christmas bonus money for loyal and productive employees and officials, would seem to be a good thing. These social and political efforts, such as are attempted by d. H. G. And others, need be neither praised nor criticized here. This has become an important competitive practice in our present system. Such gain often depends on capitalist business conditions or the skill of techn ical or marketing leaders. It is easily lost by minor mistakes or or computational errors. Regardless of how productive the employees may be, they can not influence the yearend gain or loss.Their performance may well qualify them for appropriate rewards, but there is still no economic or moral reason for profit sharing.They would certainly be justified in opposing the idea that they should make up for business losses from their savings. Employees would be correct in refusing to compenste for bad business practice or a lavish lifestyle of the boss.And yet, profit sharing can be justified only when risk and loss are also shared, or when outstanding performance is delivered. Profit sharing for everyone could take the following form.Why, for example, should the giant chemical dye industry with its almighty monopoly position be a cash cow exclusively for the stockholders of the f. G. Farben industry?Here the national socialist state must see to it that the huge profits of the monopolies are passed on to the public, in the form of generous reductions in the price of their products.As we see, the problem is no longer just a sociopolitical one. It is closely connected with the present capitalistic social order (the rights of shareholders.)We wish to illustrate with these examples, that equitable profit sharing requires an effort involving all industries whose profits today go exclusively into the pockets of the finance capitalists. iv.d.3. Confiscation of all dishonorable profits from war and revolution. To these we add the dishonorable profits made from official "stabilization" and "disinflation" policies. We would also include profits from hoarding and usury.This is a matter of punishment and simple justice, which needs no detailed elaboration. iv.d.4. With our plan to relieve the housing shortage by means of extensive construction throughout the reich, our list of social and political demands is complete. Relieving the housing crisis can be accomplished by means of the communal construction plan. Not much can be said here about the technical and financialaspects, since it is a large and specialized field. Obviously it is the task which must come first. Even the most capitalistically befuddled heads agree with this.Booklet 8 of the national socialist library deals with this question in detail. iv.e. Cultural policy In a programmatical introduction such as this, it is not possible to present more than a few general remarks on the subject of cultural policy.We have already done this. . Furthermore, it is a fundamental principle of national socialists that we do not include religious discussions in our general political formulations.Only those who have expertly mastered the jewish problem are qualified to deal with the insidiousness of their secret teachings in public statements and polemics. The case of the distinguished expert thomas fritsch shows that not even an acknowledged scholar of the talmud can escape a long prison sentence. This does not mean we should avoid the subject. On the contrary, it means we have to study the question all the more closely. The same is true of the numerous stupid and clumsy attacks on christianity.Remarks such as "christianity has done nothing but harm" prove only that the person who makes the remark has no tact.It is easy to criticize the political church; and even the most devout christians condemn the atrocities committed in the name of the cross during the inquisition and witch trials. But one can not blame the mistakes and perversions of individuals on one of the most powerful institutions of mankind. For untold millions, the christian religion has meant hope and spiritual elevation which transported them beyond human suffering to god.The entire culture of the middle ages was inspired by the sign of the cross. The heroic deeds, self sacrifice, fervor and courage of faith all had their roots in christianity. One must always distinguish between the, spiritual nucleus of christianity and the distortions of its secular manifestations. Our party as a whole stands on the ground of positive christianity. Here we cannot deal with the questions hopes and wishes concerning Germany's quest for a new way to acknowledge god. These are matters which are remote from even such a revolutionary program as ours.Our party declines to itentify itself with efforts to resurrect the wotan cult, as certain political clerics have claimed. It remains to be seen whether such efforts will be successful. The outcome of our struggle against cultural decadence will be of great significance. We are engaged in struggle against cultural mutilation and poisoning in the fields of art, literature, science, theatre, movies and above all, the press.Our basic program, the so-called 25 points, covers this struggle in detail. There is no need to discuss it here. IV.f. Military and other reforms Military forces, electoral reform, trade councils, legal and constitutional reform are all questions of such great significance that we can not discuss them in a few sentences. Our guiding principles are all set forth in our program. Analysis, utilization and historical application will be the vital tasks of the coming years. These will lead us to political power but they must find us prepared for the competent assumption of state affairs. Here is a rich field for national socialist research. Here again, the irresistible greatness of the national socialist idea will manifest itself. The real significance of national socialism lies in the fact that no single area of public life will be unaffected. National socialism provides quite simply a new spiritual basis to which we must adapt our lives. |
Ministries
This party is not part of the national cabinet.
Political Positions
| Ideology | Position | Visibility | Coherency |
| Centralization | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Civil Rights | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Ecology | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Foreign Relations | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Government Responsibilities | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Market | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Military | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Morality | unknown | close to none | perfect |
| Religion | unknown | close to none | perfect |
Affiliations
This party is a member of the following organizations:
Election Results
History Table
| Month | Votes | Total Votes | Votes (%) | Votes (%) (+) | Seats | Total Seats | Seats (%) | Seats (+) |
| March 2142 | 2,622 | 27,945,566 | 0.01 | +0.01 | 0 | 599 | 0.00 | +0 |
Relative Graph
This graph shows the percentage of seats the party achieved in each election, relative to its maximum.
Absolute Graph
This graph shows the percentage of seats the party achieved in each election in the entire legislature.
National Graph
This graph shows the share of seats the party achieved in each election in the entire legislature, together with the share of other parties.
Legislation
You can view the party's proposed bills here.
Legislative Agenda
This party has to vote on the following bills:
Voting Record
This is the voting[?] record of the Neu Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbe.
| Bill | Created | Voting started | Vote | Bill Status | Result |
| Administrative Act of 5456 | July 5456 | July 5456 | passed | ||
| Reform Act 5455 | July 5455 | July 5455 | passed | ||
| Cabinet Proposal of July 5455 | July 5455 | July 5455 | passed | ||
| Call for early elections, June 5455 | June 5455 | June 5455 | passed | ||
| Reform Act 5454 | September 5454 | September 5454 | passed | ||
| Administrative Act of 5454 | September 5454 | September 5454 | passed | ||
| Cabinet Proposal of September 5454 | September 5454 | September 5454 | defeated | ||
| Call for early elections, July 5434 | July 5434 | debate | |||
| Technology bill | May 5428 | May 5428 | defeated | ||
| Ecological refomation bill | November 5427 | November 5427 | defeated | ||
| Call for early elections, November 5427 | November 5427 | November 5427 | defeated | ||
| Ratification of the Terran Times Project (TTP) | July 5421 | July 5421 | passed | ||
| Renaming the nation | December 5418 | December 5419 | passed | ||
| Setting things on stones | June 5417 | July 5417 | passed | ||
| Call for early elections, December 5410 | December 5410 | December 5410 | passed | ||
| Something bill 2.0 | December 5407 | December 5407 | passed | ||
| Cabinet Proposal of December 5407 | December 5407 | December 5407 | passed | ||
| Ratification of the Beiteynuese Framework of Trade & Commerce | February 5376 | debate | |||
| Seat D | November 5370 | November 5370 | passed | ||
| Ratification of the Ikradon - Deltaria Trade Agreement | November 5370 | November 5370 | passed |
| Random fact: It is possible for a player to transfer ownership of a character or a royal house to another player. This should be done in a public way, such as on the Character Transfers thread, so that if a dispute arises in the future, Moderation can be pointed towards evidence of the transfer. |
| Random quote: "The United States is in no sense founded upon the Christian doctrine." - George Washington |